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Mr Biya's distribution of the Councils according to provinces and divisions and the number of councillors per division and established councils makes no pretence to the democratic principle of equal representation. Equal representation demands that different constituents of the country are given equal opportunity and that there is no discrimination and no injustice.

Under Mr Biya's philosophy of "democratie avancée", the cherished principle that representatives to any house or decision making body represent people and not trees is thrown to the dogs. Democratie avancée, as will be exposed below, is based on fraud. Democratie avancée is democratic heresy.

In a constitutional democracy the nation's constitution (at the moment Cameroon has no constitution) clearly defines the basis for representation and from this constitutional provision, the electoral law spells out how many people are entitled to a representative. Representation being a right of the people is never left to the whims and caprices of a leader to dish out at will as a boy distributes groundnuts; to those he loves most, more is given and to those he cares for less, little is given.

In a democratic soceity social justice, fair play, equal opportunity and the rule of law are central. It is social justice that guarantees the reign of peace and never vice versa. Those who emphasis peace and unity avoiding "social justice" always, do so by design; they have skeletons in their cupboards.

Social justice and the rule of law constitute the pillars of democracy thus guaranteeing equal opportunity, mutual respect, fair play, harmony, peace and a condusive enviroment for development.

Mr Biya democratie avancée is totalitarianism, tyranny and dictatorship in sheep's clothing. It is the imposition of a system of governance based on fraud and rigging. It is the rule of "1" and the big horse whip, deprivation of inalienable rights for those who have refused to be corrupted and lavished favours for those of the gang.

Like a gang of mercenaries, members of this club of kleptocrates loot, embezzle, maim and kill at will for never shall there be evidence. Justice has been crippled as the courts are padlocked.

In making the analysis of this fraudulent distribution of the Councils and Councillors per council area, we will use the 1987 population census which is well documented.

Table 1: No. OF COUNCILS PER PROVINCE

From the above analysis fraud, tribalism, sectionalism and nepotism stand out as the foundation and pillars of democratie avancée. Treating South, East and Centre Provinces as the fief of the CPDM junta each has been favourably treated. South Province, Mr Biya's home province, though accounting only for 3.6% of the national population accounts for 7% of the total number of councils. East Province which holds 4.7% of the national population accounts for 10% while Centre Province with 15.7% of the national population is allocated 20% of the total number of councils.

Because of this logic of fraud it is remarkable that while the average population per council in the South and the East Provinces is 14.952 and 16.162 respectively, the North province registers 43.798 people per council.

The South West Province (thanks to the favourable treatment of Ndain Division for understandable reasons) with 31,039 people per council is the most fairly treated in the opposition strong-hold of what is popularly referred to as the Grand West while Adamawa with 30.949 people per council is the most fairly treated in the Grand North. Based on the logic of fraud and tribalism, the Far North, the most populous province, accounting for 17.7% of the national population is allocated only 13% of the councils. The logic of democratie avancée lies in fraud par excellence. What is regular and consistent is fraud.

After having seen the arbitrary distribution at the provincial level, it is necessary that we move further to the divisional level where fraud and the rape of democracy becomes more manifest and revolting. This makes a mockery of the regime's fake promises of its commitment to conduct free and transparent municipal elections. How can there be transparent elections when the carving out of council areas is totally unjust?

How can there be fairness in the conduct of the elections when there is no equal representation? By this glaring dis-proportional representation, have the elections not already been rigged by the CPDM oligarchy?

Table 2. NUMBER OF COUNCILS AND COUNCILLORS PER DIVISION

Table 2. has made the picture most revolting. Outside the special councils of Yaounde and Douala, the dis-proportionality here lacks language with which to describe. How can it be explained when the average population per council in the South Province is below 20.000 people whereas in the Far North, the most favoured Division, Logone and Chari, records 30687 people per council? If this is not mind-bungling enough, note must be taken of Mbam and Kim and Nyong and Kelle in the Centre Province which has less than 10.000people per council whereas in the North West Province, the most favoured Division, Menchum, has 26.416 people. What explains the claim of Nyong and Kelle with a population of 98.216 to 10 councils and 250 councillors thus 393 inhabitants per councillor while Mezam with a population of 313.043 is grudgingly given 5 councils with 191 councillors giving a representation of one councillor to 1639 people other than fraud and tribalism?

Table 3. REPRESENTATION ACCORDING TO PROVINCES

In a descending order this table moves from the most favoured to the least favoured in the allocation of councillors per province. Once you are under represented, it is conclucive that your problems will be less exposed and your interests poorly articulated and aggregated thus inadequately presented and defended. This will abviously slow down the development of your area.

The Centre, South and East Provinces put together make up 24.2% of the national population but here account for 33.7% of the council seats. This is to perpertuate and promote the already established dominance of the Beti ruling Clan in all spheres of Cameroon national life.

CONCLUSION:

To expect a carnivorous animal like a lion to survive without feasting on the flesh and blood of lesser animals is to believe that a fish can live, prosper and generate its kind on a rock in the sahara desert. What Mr Biya and his cohorts of the CPDM fame have done in the carving of council areas as well as the allocation of the number of councillors per council is based on the logic of fraud which has no place in democracy, rationality, fair play and justice.

Why? "Democratie avancée" is not based on the democratic principle of equal representation. Briefly put, democratie avancée is government of the crooks through fraud for self aggrandissment thus the maginalisation of those who are not of the ruling clan from decision-making. All Mr Biya's cabinets-present and previous ones - have always been based on this premise.

This explains why:

• The often and skillful sharpening of the instrument of repression.
• The exceptional efficiency in corruption, embezzlement of public fund by members of the clan and the exploitation of the dxeprived masses through unbearable taxes.
• The state of lawlessness and the imposed agents of censorship who censor even the functioning of your mind, and;
• The unbeaten record of insensitivity demonstrated with legendary arrogance and impunity by the CPDM regime to the yearnings and aspirations of Cameroonians. The leaders behave as if they were 19th century pro-consuls in an occupied territory.

Have the so-called municipal elections already been concluded or they are yet to be conducted?

Who is managing these municipal elections and in whose interest?

As stated in the COPAC report at the Maroua SDF National Convention, the CPDM rigging machines of 1992 have been modernised and the municipal elections, irrespective of whenever they do come up, are to be rigged to justified the already rigged yet-to-be announced Legislative and Presidential Elections. Illegitimate President Biya needs even just a samblance of legitimacy to stand creditable in the eyes of his new boss.

Will we again let him have his way?

Done at Bamenda, September 27, 1995.

NFOR N. NFOR
Chairman, Constitutional and Political Affairs Committee

The end

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